Ghana began pumping its first commercial oil in 2010, three years’ after the discovery of the Jubilee Field. Now, GE Oil & Gas’ new Takoradi services facility in Ghana is nearing completion as part of preparations by the company to support energy production in the country.

The facility will support the Offshore Cape Three Points development, a large integrated oil and gas development operated by Eni Ghana, together with its partners Vitol and Ghana National Petroleum Company (GNPC). In addition to producing oil for export, the project will supply gas for power generation in Ghana.

While the waters offshore Ghana have substantial oil and gas deposits buried under the seabed, extracting this resource from thousands of metres deep underwater, in unpredictable weather, requires major machinery, specialised technology, and a highly skilled workforce. GE’s support in this venture will help ensure Ghana has both the technical skills and infrastructure, as well as the capacity needed for the successful development of this area.

GE’s Takoradi facility is scheduled for completion by the end of August, with the first two subsea trees (also known as Christmas Trees, or XTs) for the OCTP development due at the facility in September.

The XTs are being tested in the UK prior to shipment to Ghana. A mission critical piece of equipment, their primary function is to control the flow – usually oil or gas – out of the well. GE will deliver a total of 21 XTs for the project – 18 for installation and three for backup. GE Oil & Gas will also support the customer’s aftermarket needs, with the facility largely responsible for site receival testing and providing support to Eni’s equipment installation campaign for the OCTP project. Site receival testing involves ensuring the safe arrival of equipment, flushing systems and replacing hydraulic fluids, and making sure the controls “speak” to each other once offshore.

At the same time, GE Oil & Gas has committed to long-term capacity building in the region. Recently a team of Ghanaian field service engineers underwent training in the UK following six months of industry-specific training in Ghana. The UK training gave them the opportunity to familiarise themselves with the various subsea products manufactured by GE, and test and assembly (T&A) procedures involved in making the equipment.

GE Oil & Gas Ghana Ltd. is adding to its capacity and capabilities in readiness for the expected expansion as interest picks up in Ghana’s offshore oil and gas fields. When the boom arrives, not only will there be robust infrastructure, but there will also be a pipeline of local talent.

President Uhuru Kenyatta on Monday tore into critics questioning the rationale of building the standard gauge railway and other infrastructure projects, telling them the construction will go on “regardless of what everybody says.”

At an infrastructure summit held in Nairobi, the President defended the massive investments in the projects which have also caused the country to incur huge debts, saying they are necessary to boost the economy.

“Infrastructure is a necessity if our economy is to grow and if we are to achieve the prosperity we desire as a people and as a nation. We cannot run away from it,” he told an audience at State House.

The spark had been touched off by a member of the audience who had posed a question to Transport and Infrastructure CS James Macharia on whether it was economically viable to borrow Sh327 billion to construct a railway when it would have been cheaper to renovate the current one.

The question was inspired by a recent article in the Economist magazine which questioned the economic returns in such a venture.

In response, Mr Macharia had argued the new railway will be useful as it will reduce the volume of cargo transported on Kenyan roads, reduce congestion and ease movement of goods.

But the question had also irked President Kenyatta who said he had heard it numerous times.

ASIAN TIGERS

The President cited the case of the Asian Tigers; a group of countries like South Korea and Singapore, in the Far East who rose from poverty to wealth.

“I just want to pose a question to those who challenge us when as a country or as a continent [we] are investing in infrastructure. Where are they today? Where are those nations today? They are probably among the fastest growing, most prosperous nations in the world.

“They ignored the World Bank, they ignored the IMF. Today they actually have their own banking institution, a development bank growing their economies,” Mr Kenyatta said.

The Infrastructure Summit is the President’s idea to meet stakeholders and get their views on matters of roads, ports, railways, airports and related issues ranging from tenders, budgetary allocations to payments.

STANDARD GAUGE RAILWAY

Kenya had to borrow Sh327 from China to construct the standard gauge railway from Mombasa to Nairobi and extended to Naivasha.

But the Economist, citing World Bank officials, said the investment was more indebting than beneficial to Kenya’s future generations.

President Kenyatta disagreed, saying the magazine had published the view of institutions with no Kenyan or African interests at heart.

“We know what we need, we know what we must do and we are no longer going to be the dumping ground for products while our people have no jobs, while our people are suffering in poverty.

“We are going to move to the next level regardless of what the Economist says, regardless of everybody says. We are going to the next level.”

“The challenge we have is to ensure that we invest appropriately, to ensure that we invest without corruption, to ensure that we utilise the resources in that sector in the best possible manner. It is not whether we should do it or not, because to do it we shall. And we encourage other countries in the region… all these corridors will be interlinked,” President Kenyatta said.

Government has set up a cabinet subcommittee to pursue the matter of Ugandan traders who supplied goods and services to the government of South Sudan but were not paid due to outbreak of war.

Frank Tumwebaze, the minister of ICT, Information and Communication said in a statement the subcommittee will comprise of the attorney general and the ministers of Finance, Trade and Industry, and Foreign Affairs.

Tumwebaze said cabinet during a sitting on August, 3, 2016 noted that many Ugandan exporters to South Sudan market were not paid due to instability.

“The ministries of finance and foreign affairs were directed by cabinet to establish with the government of South Sudan modalities for repatriation of proceeds of Ugandan companies held in commercial banks and also pursue government of South Sudan to expeditiously form a joint cooperation commission to arbitrate the pending claims of Ugandans against South Sudan,” Tumwebaze’s statement read in part.

Cabinet’s decision follows President Museveni’s remarks during a recent cabinet retreat at Kyankwanzi where he said firms that supplied goods and services to the South Sudan government and have not been paid should be bailed out.

LOANS

Cabinet also approved a loan request from the ministry of finance amounting to $71m to finance the power grid expansion and reinforcement project. The loan, to be provided by the World Bank shall benefit the districts of Gulu, Lira, Nebbi, Arua, Kole, Oyam and Nwoya.

However, in the meeting, cabinet deferred a loan request also presented by the ministry of finance on refugee-hosting areas support.

The loan amounting to $50m also from the World Bank is meant to finance and support the development response to displacement particularly targeting refugee hosting districts and communities.

Cabinet further resolved that any future borrowing or loans should never finance components of administration and capacity building.

“Loan amounts procured should only go to finance substantive activities of the loan objectives. In addition, cabinet added that loan beneficiary entities and ministry of finance, the contracting entity, should never procure or sign off any loan before all the preparatory activities are in place to avoid delayed implementation that results into financial penalties on unutilized loans,” he noted.

OIL PRODUCTION LICENSES

Meanwhile, the cabinet gave a green light to the minister of Energy and Mineral Development, Irene Muloni, to issue three petroleum production licenses to Total E&P UGANDA B.V over discoveries in exploration area 1 of the Albertine graben.

The production licenses to be issued are expected to run for 25 years, subject to renewal of an additional five years as provided for in the production sharing agreements (PSAs) and the Petroleum Act.

By Steve Omondi

The Kenyan delegation at the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro has remained non-committal even as Team Kenya grapples with a fresh doping scandal.The scandal is likely to jeopardize the country's participation in the Games.

Top National Olympic Committee of Kenya (Nock) officials have remained tight-lipped on the ejection of athletics team manager Major (rtd) Michael Rotich following allegations that he offered to protect cheating athletes in exchange for money.

Reports in British paper, Sunday Times, and German broadcaster ARD claim that Rotich was recorded on camera negotiating for payment with undercover British journalists posing as coaches.

Journalist, Hajo Seppelt, of German TV ARD also posted a tweet on Saturday quoting Athletics Kenya (AK) spokesman Evans Bosire on the decision to recall Rotich.

But while all the top Nock officials here in Rio have remained unavailable for comments, the media liason officer, Peter Angwenyi has said the issue is being looked into.

"The timing of this story is suspect, but the issue is being handled carefully with Team Kenya at heart," Angwenyi said on Sunday.

Angwenyi also said that Rotich has not expressly lost his position in the team.

"Major Rotich will be back as the team manager. Kenya remains focused on the Games," he said without further elaboration.

These allegations implicating Kenya are the latest that the team is facing.

Last month, the German TV aired a secretly recorded film showing some athletes admitting their involvement in doping.

By C.Y. Kwanue and David A. Yates

An overnight shooting which engulfed Sasstown Community on Sunday was as though a large scale fighting had erupted between military actors from opposing sides, according to residents.

The sounds of guns were so sporadic that residents in the area fled their homes under the cover of darkness, shortly before midnight on Sunday, August 7.

By daybreak the following morning, the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) had dispatched a squad of counterinsurgency unit to the 'troubled spot' and coordinated joint security operations with Liberia National Police officers who were earlier deployed to the area.

It was reported that a late-night insurgency involving an unidentified helicopter had entered Liberian territory, prompting a manhunt for those who reportedly carried out the shooting along the Monrovia/Bomi highway in Western Liberia.

Based on the reports, Defense Minister Brownie J. Samukai, Jr. told the Daily Observer that the country's joint security forces were in firm control of that, and any, situation.

"There is no need to panic because the reported shooting incident was being investigated by the joint security forces," Minister Samukai assured the public.

He described the report of 'sporadic shooting' and the landing of an unknown helicopter on Liberian soil as "scheme of wildcat campaign of speculation, which has no grain of truth to instill fear in the minds of anybody due to the fact that we are on top of every security situation."

He, however, explained that a male villager and his two children had earlier discovered an unspecified quantity of spent-shells, which he claimed might have been left in the bush by fighters of the country's warring factions during the 14 years of civil war.

In Sasstown, Meanwhile, Daily Observer reporter, who visited Sasstown yesterday upon hearing the report, said calm was restored to the community immediately after the security forces arrived.

"They arrived in their numbers and went in search of the shooter, but returned and said there was nothing serious and that we should go about our normal activities," Boima Perry, a resident said of the security forces.

Mr. Perry said on Sunday night, residents did not see any strange movement of people in town prior to the shooting incident.

Surprisingly, he said by 9:00 p.m., while residents were preparing to go to bed, a "very large gun sound" took over the entire town, but we did not know which way the sound came from, and also who carried it out and for what reason.

"Right now, we don't know who shot the gun, therefore, we are afraid of the next course of action," he said.

The incident took place about 9:00 p.m. Sunday night, according to eyewitnesses.

Up to press time last night, the security forces did not make any arrests, but did confirm there was shooting in the town. The Defense Ministry said that several shots were fired from a pistol, which was later found in a nearby bush. No further explanation was given.

But an eyewitness told this newspaper in the town that an unidentified gunman carried out the shooting, but that was only in the air.

Some of the residents also denied ever hearing of any shooting in the town as their kinsmen had claimed.

Our investigation continues.

ANALYSIS

While a trendy priority for new oil producers, sovereign wealth funds can easily be manipulated if their internal governance and oversight are not strong enough.

The Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) has taken two international banks to courtseeking to recover over $3.3 billion (11 trillion shillings) that the oil-producing country lost in 'bad deals' that were initiated by the banks during former President Muammar Gaddafi's reign.

LIA is attempting to recover $1.2 billion (about 4 trillion shillings) from a U.S investment bank, Goldman Sachs and another $2.1 billion (almost 7 trillion shillings) from French bank, Societe Generale. The country's Sovereign Wealth Fund alleges that the two banks advised it to enter risky deals in 2008 that ended up being worthless. The hearing of one of the cases resumed in London in June 2016, with LIA's lawyers accusing Goldman Sachs executives of taking its officials on luxurious trips to Morocco and Dubai in order to influence their investment decisions. One witness in court claimed that the trips were laden with 'heavy drinking and girls'.

Key in the case is Goldman Sach's relationship with Haitem Zarti, a brother to Mustafa Zarti who was LIA's second-in-command at the time. The bank is said to have paid for Zarti's lavish trip to Dubai and later offered him an internship placement at their headquarters in New York. The Fund's lawyers now argue that the Bank's treatment of Haitem Zarti biased his brother to stake the fortunes of the $67 billion Fund in a series of bad deals.

Happier times: Late Col. Gaddafi's son, Saif-Al-Islam Gaddafi.

The second case against Societe Generale is expected to commence in early 2017 but there are indications that the Fund's lawyers will attempt to link the bad deals to bribery and influence peddling involving the first family, particularly Gaddafi's son, Saif Gaddafi.

But what made Libya's Sovereign Wealth Fund so susceptible to manipulation? During Col. Muammar Gaddafi's four decade reign, opacity dominated management of the country's Petroleum Fund, allowing unchecked corruption to thrive. Patronage, family links and political influence were much more important than institutionalised, competence-based investment decision making. Hence, the Fund was often manipulated into investing billions of US dollars in risky assets managed by political friends or allies of the regime. Transparency, independent oversight, clarity of rules and political will eluded Libya, resulting in mismanagement of the resources and potentially causing avoidable losses that form the basis of the cases in court today.

The Libyan case provides a good example of how Sovereign Wealth Funds can be vulnerable to abuse by overbearing governments, unless they have strong, independent governance structures and sufficient corruption control mechanisms. For Uganda, the case comes at an opportune time, since the country is operationalizing the Petroleum Fund as established by The Public Finance Management Act, 2015(PFMA). In some ways, the law attempts to address key issues necessary to ensure good governance of revenues expected from Uganda's nascent oil and gas sector.

However, a number of loopholes exist in the law which, if not addressed, would expose Uganda to the perils Libya has witnessed. Unless regulations for the Act, once issued, offer more clarity, Uganda's Petroleum Fund could end up like that of Libya.

Firstly, reading through that Act, it is not clear what the objectives of the Petroleum Fund are. While the Act alludes to the Fund helping to support budget stability [Section 58 (a) and Section 63 (2)] as well as providing heritage for future generations [Section 64 (3) & (4)], neither of these is clearly stated as its objective. This lack of clarity of objectives presents difficulty for policy makers in terms of giving policy direction in form of operational rules for the fund. It also remains difficult to decide the sort of assets the savings can be invested in and therefore the nature of restrictions that should be put in place for government to access the Fund.

If, on one hand, the Fund is to play a stabilising role, a significant chunk of the money should be invested in liquid assets that can easily be accessed in case of budget shortfalls, like bonds. On the other hand, if the Fund is to serve as a heritage for future generations, restrictions for accessing it have to be made tighter, for example by requiring that the money be invested in long term assets like real estate. Where the Fund has a dual function, this should also be clearly stipulated in law or the regulations.

Secondly, the PFMA presents a possibility of conflict of powers between the Minister of Finance and Bank of Uganda or an external Fund Manager appointed by the Bank over the choice of investments into which the Fund's money may be committed. Whereas section 63 (2) (C) gives power to the Minister to prescribe an instrument into which the Fund's finances may be invested, section 64 (1) vests operational management responsibilities in the Bank of Uganda. Again, Section (64) (6) also leaves it to Bank of Uganda to establish risk management arrangements for the instruments to be used in the management of funds in the Petroleum Investment Reserve. This could result in conflict in the case of Bank of Uganda rejecting an instrument prescribed by the Minister for investment of the Fund's money, even if that may have been done on a technically sound basis.

In addition, the Act falls short of clarifying, in terms of jurisdiction, where funds in the Petroleum Revenue Investment Reserve shall be invested. Although Section 63(2) mentions that the money shall be invested in internationally convertible currency deposit or a debt instrument denominated in internationally convertible currency, it remains silent on whether these investments are to be made in the domestic economy or abroad. Different lessons from the Management of the Government Pension Fund of Norway show that investing petroleum revenues abroad protects domestic industries (and economy), diversifies risk and maximises returns.

However, the choice of that 'international investment' and how the decision to invest in it is made, are very crucial and that is where the Libyans got it wrong. They now claim that they were hoodwinked by street smart bank executives to invest in risky ventures that resulted in billions of dollars in losses.

Yet the Fund should have had their own professional advisors to assess the risks and decide accordingly. In any case, Norway invests the bulk of monies in her Fund in stock markets in the USA. However, because of a more streamlined investment decision making mechanism, when Norway lost hundreds of millions of dollars in the 2008 economic downturn, it was easier to attribute the losses to the global economic downturn and not mismanagement. Uganda should, therefore, consider investing in more developed financial markets abroad to secure the best returns and protect her economy against over-heating, while ensuring that independent investment decision making procedures are followed.

However, Uganda's PFMA (2015) lacks provision for independent third party oversight over the Fund's operations, a cardinal principal in ensuring transparency and accountability in the way funds are managed. Third party oversight is critical in exerting public pressure on policy makers and fund managers to ensure open decision making as a guarantee for integrity in the way natural resource funds are managed.

In Ghana, the Public Interest and Accountability Committee's (PIAC) May 2012 report revealed that the Ghana National Petroleum Company (GNPC) was retaining large amounts of petroleum revenues that threatened to grow the petroleum sector at the expense of other sectors. The report also revealed that the Ministry of Finance had overestimated corporate income taxes by nearly 100 percent in order to create extra fiscal space for government and legitimise greater spending under the country's laws.

Although Ghana's PIAC has been constrained by lack of funds and mandate to implement its recommendations, its experience underscores the need for Uganda to ensure third party oversight if our revenues are to be managed in a transparent manner.

Globally, Norway offers the best lessons given that they have been exemplary in running their extractives sector. Several similar funds around the world have been successful as well. It is estimated that worldwide, sovereign wealth funds hold assets in excess of three trillion dollars. Information on some of the natural resource funds globally is shown in the table below:

Country Fund name Year established Estimated value of assets

Norway Government Pension Fund Global 1990 $850 billion

Saudi Arabia SAMA Foreign Holdings 1952 $730 billion

Public Investment Fund 1971 $5.3 billion

Abu Dhabi (UAE) Abu Dhabi Investment Authority 1976 $773 billion

International Petroleum Investment Authority 1984 $68.4 billion

Mubadala Development Company 2002 $60.9 billion

Kuwait Kuwait Investment Authority 1953 $400 billion

Qatar Qatar Investment Authority 2005 $175 billion

Russia National Welfare Fund 2004 $87.9 billion

Reserve Fund 2004 $87.3 billion

Algeria Revenue Regulation Fund 2000 $70.9 billion

Dubai (UAE) Investment Corporation of Dubai 2006 $160 billion

Ghana Ghana Heritage Fund 2011 $0.13 billion

Ghana Stabilization Fund 2011 $0.32 billion

Botswana Paula Fund 1994 $5.7 billion

Nigeria Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority 2011 $0.98 billion

Adapted from Andrew Bauer, 'Managing the public trust: How to make natural resource funds work for citizens', 2014.

Uganda too can join this elite club in a decade or so. However, the politicians need to let the proposed Petroleum Fund function independently and only allow for independent third party oversight over its operations.

Chris Musiime is the Managing Editor, Oil in Uganda while Gerald Byarugaba is a Research Associate, Advocates Coalition for Development & Environment (ACODE) and a 2014 PETRAD Fellow.

Demonstrators chanted anti-government slogans and waved flags as they marched down Kinshasa's streets on Sunday, calling for President Joseph Kabila to resign after his term ends in late December.

Addressing tens of thousands of protesters, opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi said the electoral commission needed to be convened by September 19, the "first red line, which must not be crossed."

"The electoral body must be convened for the presidential election. If it is not, high treason will be proved in the person of Mr. Kabila, who will take responsibility for the misery of the Congolese people," said the 83-year-old leader.

Presidential polls are due to take place in November, but Kabila's government has said logistical problems may delay the vote.

In May, Congo's Constitutional Court ruled Kabila could remain in office in caretaker capacity beyond the end of his mandate. The ruling sparked fears that Kabila could try to extend his rule by a third term.

Tshesekedi credited with uniting opposition

Kabila, 45, took over as president of the country of 71 million people after his father was assassinated in 2001. He won a 2011 election against Tshisekedi, which critics say was marred by fraudulent practices.

Earlier this week Tshisekedi returned from Europe, where he had been undergoing medical treatment for two years. An immensely popular figure, he rose to prominence in the 1980s as a strong critic of former dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Today, Tshesekedi is credited with uniting the voice of the opposition in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Tshisekedi has also demanded an end to "arbitrary judicial cases" against opposition leaders like Moise Katumbi, who was sentenced in absentia to three years in jail for property fraud, making him ineligible to contest the upcoming presidential poll.

mg/cmk (AFP, Reuters)

 

ANALYSISBy Herman J. Cohen

Bemba was in jail for the 8 years during his trial at the ICC. He should be sentenced to time already served so he can return to the DRC where his leadership is needed, argues Hank Cohen.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was vice-president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from 2003 to 2006. He is the popular political leader of the Congo's Equateur Province in the country's northwest, an area the size of France.

Between 1998 and 2002, the DRC was in a state of civil war, with several African countries involved militarily in support of the government or in support of various rebel movements. During this period, Jean-Pierre Bemba was President of the MLC party (Movement for the Liberation of the Congo). His party also had an armed wing of several thousand fighters who supported the government against various rebel movements.

The fighting in the DRC stopped in 2002, leading to a negotiated new constitution, and a transitional government from 2003 to 2006. During this period, Bemba was one of four transitional vice-presidents under the transitional president, Joseph Kabila. The first postwar democratic election was held in 2006, with Bemba obtaining the most votes in the first round, before losing to Kabila in the second round with 42% of the vote.

Before this though in 2002-2003, with a ceasefire in place in the DRC, Bemba decided to send his militia to neighbouring Central African Republic (CAR) in support of President Ange-Félix Patassé who was facing a number of armed rebellions.

Patassé had previously helped Bemba organise his armed force in the DRC. The civil war in the CAR was particularly nasty in the actions committed against civilian populations by the different armed factions, including Bemba's.

In view of crimes allegedly committed by his militia in the CAR, Jean-Pierre Bemba was indicted by the International Criminal Court in The Hague for "crimes against humanity" in 2008.

The indictment said that Bemba's militia engaged in pillaging, rape and other crimes against civilians, including cannibalism. The prosecution document did not accuse Bemba of inciting his fighters to commit crimes against civilians. However, the prosecution accused him of failing to engage in proper supervision in order to prevent the crimes allegedly committed by his men.

After eight years of deliberations, the Court convicted Bemba of war crimes and crimes against humanity this March. In July, the court handed down a sentence of 18 years in prison, eight of which have already been served. His defence has decided to appeal.

I have read documents produced by both the prosecution and the defence. As a former military officer, I believe that the commander of troops is responsible for everything his soldiers do, or fail to do. But in the case of Bemba, I believe there are mitigating circumstances. The most important being that for much of the time his troops were in the CAR, he was in South Africa engaged in negotiations for the political transition and elections in the DRC.

It is not my place to argue about Bemba's guilt or innocence. However, I firmly believe that the nature of the offence should not be the cause of a long prison sentence as in the cases of Liberia's former president Charles Taylor and Chad's former president Hissène Habré, both of whom actively encouraged atrocities against civilian populations. Bemba's main offence was apparently neglect.

Bemba has already served eight years in prison during the long period of the trial. Given the nature of accusations against him, I believe those eight years are sufficient and that he should be sentenced to time already served.

Apart from the issue of justice, Bemba is needed in the DRC to resume his role as a political leader of a major ethnic region in Equateur Province. His vote tally in the 2006 election indicated that he is enormously popular and has significant leadership qualities. This is especially important at the present time because the DRC is going through a period of constitutional and political crisis.

President Kabila's second and final term officially ends in December 2016, but he is showing signs of not wanting to leave and of possibly finding ways to remain in power indefinitely. This is a period when the opposition needs to be unified in order to maintain maximum pressure against the regime, and Bemba is needed to stand with the opposition in support of constitutional democracy.

My message to the International Criminal Court is short: Bemba has already served his time; now let him to return to the DRC to serve his people.

Herman J. Cohen is a former US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa.

More on This

Read the original of this report, including embedded links and illustrations, on the African Arguments site.

 

Khorhogo — From cosmetics to cooking, shea butter is popular around the world. It is made from the nut of the shea tree, known as “women’s gold” in Africa for it provides income to millions of women across the Sahel. In northern Ivory Coast, women are trying to transform shea butter from a cottage industry into big business.

It’s harvest season for karité, or shea, in northern Ivory Coast, and just like every year, Alice Koné picks up the fallen fruit. She processes the kernels in the traditional way her grandmother taught her.

It will take her hours of hard work to make the shea butter that will then be sold at the local market.

“Sometimes, shea butter pays well and we don’t need anything else. But when the harvest isn’t good, we have to get by with other products,” said Koné.

Like Koné, most women in the shea industry in Ivory Coast work independently and sell locally.

But shea butter is in high demand internationally for use in cosmetics or as a substitute for cocoa butter in chocolate.

Neighboring Burkina Faso and Ghana are among the world’s leading exporters. Burkina Faso earns an estimated $33 million annually exporting shea.

Ivory Coast is trying to catch up.

In one village, women have teamed up in a shea co-op.

“When you work in group, there are a lot of ideas, and also financial backers can come help us. We have received some assistance, a funding capital, they built us a warehouse. If you work alone, people can’t help you. They can’t build a warehouse for every woman,” said Ahoua Coulibaly, a shea butter producer.

In some fields in the area a new kind of shea tree is also being planted. This kind is more productive than the traditional wild type. And the country now has two mechanical processing units. Two years ago, the government began working to structure the shea sector, an effort spearheaded by Ali Keita.

“As soon as we have a strong cooperative structure, we will have clients in China, Europe and the United States. If we manage to create an inter-professional organization, it will allow the country to export shea butter internationally,” said Keita.

Keita is also pushing for more regional cooperation among shea butter-producing countries.